The French Revolution 1789-1795Gardiner, Bertha Meriton
History
The French Revolution 1789-1795
Gardiner, Bertha Meriton
France -- History -- Revolution, 1789-1799
Necker’s return to office was greeted with a burst of applause from
one end of France to the other. His financial ability was relied on to
stave off bankruptcy, and it was known that he had always opposed the
court, and that he now desired the meeting of the States-General. But
his popularity was due to those causes alone; not to any proof that he
had given or could give of his fitness to direct the royal policy. As
he failed to comprehend the real causes of the impending revolution, he
would be unable to moderate its violence.
♦Pamphlets and cahiers.♦
The hopes and desires of every class found expression first in
pamphlets, and subsequently in the _cahiers_ or petitions of grievances
drawn up by electoral assemblies to be laid before the States. The
importance and necessity of reform was generally admitted, except
where special interests or class prejudices made men averse to change.
Thus nobles combated the conservative tendencies of ecclesiastics,
ecclesiastics the conservative tendencies of nobles. Induced by
pressure of public opinion the nobles mostly declared their willingness
to admit the principle of equality of taxation. But agreement went no
further. Between the two privileged orders and the body of the nation
a gulf was fixed, of bridging which no hope existed. That which the
nobles had in view by the meeting of the States was the establishment
of constitutional monarchy, based on aristocratical institutions
and insuring political and social predominance to their own order.
The aim of the middle and working classes was absolutely to destroy
every distinction which gave to nobles and ecclesiastics a position
apart in the State. The members of the upper orders were not only to
bear their fair share of taxation, but to submit to the same law,
and to stand in all respects on exactly the same level as the mass
of their fellow-citizens. A pamphlet written by the Abbé Siéyès,
which gave clear articulation to the thought in men’s minds, acquired
for its author European celebrity. What, he asked, is the Third
Estate?--Everything. What hitherto has it been in the State?--Nothing.
He then proceeded to argue that the Third Estate, in other words the
people of France with the exception of the nobles, formed a complete
nation by themselves; that by them all useful work was done; and that
the nobility was merely an excrescence, preventing the growth and
development of national life. The Third Estate is, he said, a nation
fettered and oppressed. What would it be without the nobility?--A free
and flourishing nation.
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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