The improved antidote, supposed to be more active in expelling poison, than a late invention, by the Rev. Sir Harcourt Lees, Bart. in which the Catholics are vindicated from his abuse, and their claims for unrestricted emancipation, considered — John Shaqi
The improved antidote, supposed to be more active in expelling poison, than a late invention, by the Rev. Sir Harcourt Lees, Bart. in which the Catholics are vindicated from his abuse, and their claims for unrestricted emancipation, consideredPhilodemus
Religion
The improved antidote, supposed to be more active in expelling poison, than a late invention, by the Rev. Sir Harcourt Lees, Bart. in which the Catholics are vindicated from his abuse, and their claims for unrestricted emancipation, considered
The liberty of the Press, is without doubt, liable to abuse, so is every
privilege we enjoy, as men or as subjects, but, if it be once admitted
that the abuse of any privilege by a few individuals, is a sufficient
reason for withdrawing it from the Public at large, all their privileges
as free men will be successively forfeited:—If, indeed, Government
had not been possessed of sufficient means for remedying the apparent
disorders, they had had a decent apology for resorting to new measures,
and restrictive expedients; but, when the Revd. Author acknowledges the
competence of the powers vested in Ministers, originally to suppress
such assemblies, he according to our apprehension, (though perhaps, not
designedly,) censures their conduct in neglecting to do so.
That seats in the House of Commons, are to be purchased, is as notorious
as the sun at noon day, according to a noble member of the present
Administration, who is reported, in the public papers, to have made
use of this expression, on being convicted of bartering or attempting
to barter a seat in that house, for a Writership in the East India
Service:—it is no less confidently affirmed, that, in many instances,
Boroughs (intended to return representatives of the commercial part of
the Empire) are become the properties of private individuals, who either
appoint their own Members (with this particular proviso, that they
shall vacate their seats, unless they vote agreeably to the will of the
individual appointing them) or without hesitation sell them to the best
bidder:—it even, sometimes happens, that the Aristocracy of a county (by
which I mean the proprietors of great landed estates) consult together,
how many votes each of them can command (for they conclude that every
tenant must vote according to the direction of his landlord) and proceed
to put in nomination such candidates, as may have secured the weightiest
interest with themselves, who are generally successful; whether are
they then, the representatives of the people, or of a few individuals
constituting this Aristocracy?—Are these practices consistent with the
Constitution? or rather is not its very principle violated by them?—in
consequence of these abuses, it may reasonably be conjectured, that
the representative body will become corrupt;—that their own immediate
interests will outweigh all consideration for the public; and that they
will utterly disregard the rights and privileges of the people, to
protect which, however, they were originally instituted:—are the people
culpable if aroused by such grievances? they petition for a Reform in
the Commons House, well aware that the long duration of Parliaments, not
only gives birth to, but accelerates the progress of corruption; if they
aim at an annual, rather than a septennial parliament, concluding that,
by how much the shorter the period of their parliamentary existence may
be, the Administration will become by so much the less able and less
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