If it were possible at the present time to blend the races, Southern people would have more than one-third colored blood in their veins and less than two-thirds white blood, and Northern people would have about 3 per cent colored blood and 97 per cent white. Moreover, if amalgamation were to take place now, the whole of South Carolina and Mississippi and half of Georgia, Florida, Alabama and Louisiana would grade about 50 per cent negro blood and 50 per cent white. The North, on the other hand, would grade about 3 per cent colored blood and 97 per cent white, a mixture well within the rule of “fixed white”; whereas the Southern mixture would not reach the grade of “passing for white,” the offspring of such persons being subject to the law of reversion to color. It is not possible to place Southern whites and blacks on terms of social and political equality as soon as the blacks are fitted for citizenship, as many philanthropic organizations are now insisting, because the Southern white man is tenacious of his rights and on this subject is regardless of consequences. With him a white man’s government means a white man’s government. If Congress should pass a Force Bill and undertake to put it into operation, the Irish upheaval would be a mild affair in comparison with conditions in the Southern States. Either the white man would exterminate the negro, or the negro would exterminate the white man. The white man will brook no peer. It is not a question of whether the negro is a good citizen or a bad citizen; it is deeper than this; it has to do with race integrity, race autonomy. So long as the negro “behaves himself” in the South he is safe. But once let him cross the dead line of race separation and endeavor to assert his manhood rights and he becomes a menace to the existing order of things, after the manner of John Brown at Harper’s Ferry. With hat in hand, the Southern negro is more than safe, he is happy--if he is that kind of negro. For his sake and in memory of the old-time “darkey” schools, hospitals and orphanages have been set on foot. Nothing, indeed, is too good for him. A tender, patient relationship exists between this unambitious, likable creature and the white people of the South. This white man’s negro gets all that he is entitled to and often more in the courts, as a domestic on the farm, with trowel or hammer. The white man who undertakes to impose on a white man’s negro has his hands full. Many years’ experience as a Circuit Judge enables me to declare that in the Court House I never witnessed an act of injustice to such a negro--who does not desire rights, social or political, and could not be induced to leave “his ol’ white folks.”