The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2Madison, James
History
The Journal of the Debates in the Convention which Framed the Constitution of the United States, May-September 1787. Volume 2
Madison, James
Constitutional law -- United States; Constitutions -- United States; United States. Constitution
M^r Dickinson, was ag^{st} any recital of qualifications in the
Constitution. It was impossible to make a compleat one, and a partial
one w^d by implication tie up the hands of the Legislature from
supplying the omissions. The best defence lay in the freeholders who
were to elect the Legislature. Whilst this Source should remain pure,
the Public interest would be safe. If it ever should be corrupt, no
little expedients would repel the danger. He doubted the policy of
interweaving into a Republican constitution a veneration for wealth. He
had always understood that a veneration for poverty & virtue, were the
objects of republican encouragement. It seemed improper that any man of
merit should be subjected to disabilities in a Republic where merit was
understood to form the great title to public trust, honors & rewards.
M^r Gerry if property be one object of Government, provisions to secure
it cannot be improper.
M^r Madison moved to strike out the word _landed_, before the word
"qualifications." If the proposition s^d be agreed to he wished the
Committee to be at liberty to report the best criterion they could
devise. Landed possessions were no certain evidence of real wealth. Many
enjoyed them to a great extent who were more in debt than they were
worth. The unjust Laws of the States had proceeded more from this class
of men, than any others. It had often happened that men who had acquired
landed property on credit, got into the Legislatures with a view of
promoting an unjust protection ag^{st} their Creditors. In the next
place, if a small quantity of land should be made the standard, it would
be no security; if a large one, it would exclude the proper
representatives of those classes of Citizens who were not landholders.
It was politic as well as just that the interests & rights of every
class should be duly represented & understood in the public Councils. It
was a provision every where established that the Country should be
divided into districts & representatives taken from each, in order that
the Legislative Assembly might equally understand & sympathize with the
rights of the people in every part of the Community. It was not less
proper that every class of Citizens should have an opportunity of making
their rights be felt & understood in the public Councils. The three
principal classes into which our citizens were divisible, were the
landed the commercial, & the manufacturing. The 2^d & 3^d class, bear as
yet a small proportion to the first. The proportion however will daily
increase. We see in the populous Countries in Europe now, what we shall
be hereafter. These classes understand much less of each others
interests & affairs, than men of the same class inhabiting different
districts. It is particularly requisite therefore that the interests of
one or two of them should not be left entirely to the care, or
impartiality of the third. This must be the case if landed
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