The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538, Volume 2 (of 2) — John Shaqi
The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538, Volume 2 (of 2)Dodds, Madeleine Hope
History
The Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537, and the Exeter Conspiracy, 1538, Volume 2 (of 2)
Dodds, Madeleine Hope
Exeter, Henry Courtenay, Marquis of, 1496?-1538; Great Britain -- History -- Henry VIII, 1509-1547; Pilgrimage of Grace, 1536-1537
Henry soon hit upon a very ingenious scheme for introducing a sufficient
force into the north without exciting suspicion. He had originally
intended that Queen Jane should be crowned at Westminster on the Sunday
before the feast of All Hallows 1536, but when the day came round the
northern rebellion was at an acute stage, and the King had neither money
nor men to waste over pageants. A convenient excuse for postponing the
coronation was supplied by the prevalence of the plague in London during
the autumn[123]. At Christmas, however, the King’s policy was to make a
lavish display of splendour and security, and he allowed it to be known
that not only would he himself travel to York to hold his parliament,
but the Queen would accompany him to be crowned in York minster[124]. No
one could object to such an honour being conferred upon the city of
York, while at the same time it gave a good excuse for extensive
military preparations, and for filling the city with the King’s own men.
The only one of the concessions made at Doncaster which Henry could not
tolerate was the general pardon. The rising had been a stain upon his
honour which blood must cleanse. He had brought himself to consent to
certain limitations; he would be content with a specified number of
victims, and that number should be a small one; if he could not have the
leaders, he would be satisfied with vile persons; but executions there
must be, and he would not feel he had done his duty as a king until
someone had suffered.
His council advised that he should allure the northern gentlemen into
obedience by affability, and thereby “by little and little find out the
root of this matter”; also that those whose goods had been spoiled
should be encouraged to prosecute the robbers, “whereby some offenders
may yet be punished, and the beginners of the rebellion detected.”[125]
In the meanwhile there was no help for the general pardon, and the
heralds were accordingly sent out to proclaim it.
An inclusive pardon for all the rebellious districts, provided that the
inhabitants made submission to the Duke of Norfolk or the Earl of
Shrewsbury, was issued on 9 December, and an order was given for
separate pardons to be granted to applicants from the various
counties[126]. Suffolk had already received the pardon for Hull,
Marshland, Howden, Holderness, Beverley and the East Riding[127]. It was
at first proposed that Thomas Hawley, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, should
carry the pardon to the North Riding, Richmond, Durham and
Northumberland, while Thomas Miller, Lancaster Herald, should take it to
the West Riding, Lancashire, Westmorland and Cumberland. But as the
former was considered the more dangerous mission, it was finally
assigned to Lancaster Herald, who had acquitted himself so well before
among the rebels. This was a slight which Clarencieux King-of-Arms never
forgave[128], and the effect of his resentment will be apparent
later[129].
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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