The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East — John Shaqi
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
“The numerical superiority of the Japanese fleet will probably
prevent our squadron from any major active operations, and it
will have to confine its action to the comparatively modest
task of delaying the enemy’s landing as much as possible. The
defence of our own possessions should be carried out by the
forces in the Southern Ussuri and the Kuan-tung districts,
which are formed for that particular object, and based on the
fortresses of Vladivostok and Port Arthur. All the remaining
troops, except those allotted to the line of communications and
to maintain order in Manchuria, should be concentrated in the
area Mukden-Liao-yang-Hsiu-yen. As the Japanese advance, these
troops, while delaying them as much as possible, will gradually
be compelled to retire on Harbin. If it becomes evident in the
first period of the campaign that the whole Japanese effort is
being directed against us in Manchuria, then the force which
would be concentrated first of all in the Southern Ussuri
district (1st Siberian Corps) would be transferred there.”
[Illustration: Sketch Map of MANCHURIA showing main places
along railway south of Harbin]
The two years succeeding the date on which this paper was written saw
great alterations in the strength, dispositions, and readiness of our
military and naval forces in the Far East. There was also considerable
change in the political conditions in Manchuria and in Northern Korea
in consequence of the active policy which we had begun to assume. It
was therefore found necessary in 1903 to consider a revision of the
above scheme in accordance with these altered conditions. During those
two years our strength in the Far East had grown by the increase in our
land forces and fleet, and the improved efficiency of the railways.
We have already seen what was done to improve the latter. It will
suffice to say here that, instead of the twenty waggons available over
the whole Chinese line in 1901, the War Department in 1903 received
seventy-five in the twenty-four hours, and hoped, on the strength of
promises made, to have five through military trains by the beginning of
1904. The fleet, which in 1901 was considered inferior to the Japanese,
was, at the end of 1903, stated, on the authority of the Viceroy,
Admiral Alexeieff, to be so strong that any possibility of its defeat
by the Japanese was inadmissible. But in those same two years Japan
had not been idle, and had been unceasingly increasing her naval and
military forces. In consequence of this the relative local strengths
of the two nations were still much the same in 1903 as they had been
in 1901, and it was thought prudent to adhere to the same general plan
of operations as had been drawn up and approved two years previously.
To give an official opinion of that time, I quote an extract from a
memorandum I submitted to the Tsar on August 6, 1903:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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