The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far EastKuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
History
The Russian Army and the Japanese War, Vol. 2 (of 2): Being Historical and Critical Comments on the Military Policy and Power of Russia and on the Campaign in the Far East
Kuropatkin, A. N. (Alekseĭ Nikolaevich)
Russo-Japanese War, 1904-1905
Our hopes as to the promised improvement of the railway were
unfortunately not realized, while our fleet, damaged by the enemy’s
onslaught before the declaration of war, was not only weaker than the
enemy’s, but failed even to perform the modest task expected of it in
1901. Consequently the concentration of our troops was a far slower
business than we thought it would be, while the Japanese, having
gained command of the sea, threw the whole of their army on to the
continent. Thus, gaining the initiative on land as well as on the sea,
and fired as they were with immense patriotism, the enemy commenced
the war superior to us morally as well as materially. However, though
the task before us was one of extreme difficulty, our resources were
immensely superior to the enemy’s, and the moment when we should become
completely ready for the struggle was only postponed. Notwithstanding
the unfavourable conditions under which we started, after fifteen
months’ fighting we were holding the Hsi-ping-kai positions, and,
although we had not actually assumed the offensive, we had by no means
retired as far as Harbin, which had been accepted as a possibility
in the original scheme. If we had only possessed the determination
necessary to carry this scheme right through, we ought not to have
ended the war until we had utterly defeated the enemy. Therefore,
whatever we did accomplish can only be looked upon as preparatory to
the decisive struggle. One of the assumptions of our original scheme
of operations was that, if a strong Japanese force invaded Southern
Manchuria, we should not be able, in the first period of the war, to
hold it. In the event the whole Japanese army invaded that area, but
the opposition shown by our troops at Liao-yang, on the Sha Ho, and
at Mukden, was so effectual that, though the enemy gained possession
of the greater portion of Southern Manchuria, they did not reassume
the offensive against us for six months. The difficulties which the
Japanese surmounted in advancing from Ta-shih-chiao to Tieh-ling
cannot be compared to those which would have faced them, in the three
defensive lines which we had constructed on the way to Harbin,[9] had
they attempted to drive us to that place. I reiterate what I have so
often said in the preceding chapters: though the war was brought to an
end, the army was not beaten. Of the great force which lay ready on the
Hsi-ping-kai position in August, 1905, one-half had never been under
fire. Further on I will explain how it was that we never acquired the
material and moral superiority necessary to defeat the enemy during the
fifteen months that the war did last.
In the diary I kept when in Japan[10] I drew a diagram, with
explanatory notes, to illustrate the Japanese question and show the
possibility of our being able to defend our interests in Manchuria and
Korea by force. I reproduce the diagram[11] and the notes _in extenso_:
Public-domain text, read in full here on John Shaqi.
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